‘[Seoul Economy] The special prosecutor’s team, led by Cho Eun-seok, investigating the December 3 martial law situation, concluded that former President Yoon Seok-yeol’s preparations for martial law were systematically conducted even before October 2023.
On the 15th, the special prosecutor officially announced the results of the investigation into the truth of former President Yoon Seok-yeol’s actions regarding rebellion and foreign intervention, pinpointing the start of his martial law plans to the early days of his administration. This stands in direct contradiction to Yoon’s public explanation during the martial law proclamation that it was in response to ‘rampant impeachments and legislative dominance after the 2024 general election.’
According to the special prosecutor, Yoon, right after his inauguration, repeatedly discussed the so-called ’emergency powers’ with his close associates, and began preemptive steps to realize this from 2023. It was revealed that during a dinner with the leadership of the People’s Power Party on November 25, 2022, Yoon stated, “I possess emergency powers. Even if I face execution, I will sweep everything clean.”
Additionally, testimony from a former high-ranking official stated that they heard about Yoon considering martial law after the general election around July-August 2022. The special prosecutor concluded that Yoon’s martial law plan was a long-term strategy, not a one-time idea.
Furthermore, the special prosecutor believes that around October 2023, the preparation for martial law entered full swing. Evidence was found that Yoon’s team reviewed the timing of martial law declaration during military appointments, and subsequently, key figures such as former Defense Security Command commander Yeo In-hyeong and former Army Chief of Staff Park Ahn-soo were positioned in essential roles for martial law. This aligns with notes found in the possession of No Sang-won, the former head of the Armed Forces Intelligence Service, identified as the ‘architect of martial law.’
The special prosecutor concluded that Yoon attempted to establish a dictatorship by seizing legislative, judicial, and executive powers through martial law. It was determined that he intended to overturn the constitutional order by controlling the judiciary through military force and rendering the National Assembly ineffective by forming an emergency legislative body.
The special prosecutor presented several evidences supporting this, including a directive document on ‘blocking National Assembly funds and budgeting for an emergency legislative body,’ given to then-Minister of Finance Choi Sang-mok, as well as documents regarding ‘cutting electricity and water supply to media outlets and blocking the Democratic Party building,’ provided to then-Minister of Interior and Safety Lee Sang-min. Other crucial evidence included lists of politicians to be arrested noted in Yeo’s memos, and statements like ‘collapse of leftist forces in preparation for the next presidential election’ found in No’s notebook.
Moreover, it was disclosed that Yoon even considered scenarios that would provoke military responses from North Korea to justify the martial law declaration. Memo lines found on Yeo’s phone read, “There needs to be a situation that cannot be handled by the police even during wartime,” and “There must be overt military tension and aggressive actions to create conditions for designating the enemy.”
The special prosecutor explained that although the military executed a drone operation attaching leaflets in the Pyongyang area, the plan was abandoned as North Korea did not respond militarily.
Additionally, the special prosecutor judged that Yoon defined the results of last year’s April general election as ‘election fraud by anti-state forces’ and aimed to use this as a premise to suspend the National Assembly’s functions. During this, there was a detailed plan for occupying the National Election Commission and arresting its staff.
No directed approximately 30 intelligence agents to arrest and detain NEC staff upon the martial law declaration, and Moon Sang-ho, the then intelligence commander, selected a final list of about 30 individuals based on an organizational chart sent by a subordinate. Field agents were ordered to transport them to the Capital Defense Command bunker, and equipment such as awls, blindfolds, cable ties, baseball bats, and hammers were pre-prepared.
Immediately after the martial law was declared, they forcefully entered the NEC and occupied the server room, but since the martial law was lifted sooner than expected, the arrest of the staff was not executed.’