Trump May Pressure for Deployment of Escort Ships at Japan-U.S. Summit on the 19th
Takaichi: “No U.S. Request Yet… Reviewing Within Legal Limits”
Possible Review of Maritime Self-Defense Force Deployment… Could Takaichi’s Rightward Shift Be a Variable?
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(Seoul=Yonhap News) – Reporter Cho Seong-mi: As U.S. President Donald Trump has effectively requested seven countries, including South Korea, China, and Japan, to send warships to the Hormuz Strait, Japan faces a deepening dilemma ahead of the upcoming Japan-U.S. summit.
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According to Japanese media, it is highly probable that President Trump will request Prime Minister Sanae Takaichi for support in protecting ships in the Hormuz Strait during the summit in the U.S. on the 19th (local time).
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Although Prime Minister Takaichi is focused on building a strong alliance with President Trump, emphasizing a “strong Japan,” maintaining friendly relations with Iran traditionally and concerns over exposure to direct military attacks in the narrow strait suggest that it may be difficult for Japan to accept this proposal.
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However, the atmosphere indicates a possibility that Prime Minister Takaichi, who has been more closely aligning with the U.S. while confronting China following suggestive remarks about potential intervention in a Taiwan contingency last year, may unexpectedly consider a deployment to bolster conservative rightward progress and domestic approval ratings.
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![Prime Minister Sanae Takaichi at the Japanese parliament on the 9th
[AFP Yonhap News file photo. No resale or database use]](https://imgnews.pstatic.net/image/001/2026/03/16/AKR20260316074000009_01_i_P4_20260316112818376.jpg?type=w860)
Prime Minister Sanae Takaichi at the Japanese parliament on the 9th
[AFP Yonhap News file photo. No resale or database use],
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According to the Mainichi Shimbun, Prime Minister Takaichi stated at the House of Councillors (the upper house) budget committee that it is “difficult to respond” to questions about the deployment of warships to Hormuz as “(the U.S.) hasn’t made a request yet,” while adding, “The Japanese government is currently reviewing how to take necessary actions.”
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He further explained, “Within the legal framework, Japan is reviewing how to protect the lives of Japanese-related ships and crew, and what is possible.”
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The Nikkei Shimbun mentioned that when the U.S. formed the “escort coalition,” a type of military alliance for escorting commercial ships in the Hormuz Strait in 2019, the Japanese government opted for a “bypass strategy” by not directly participating, pointing out that Japan may adopt a similar framework this time.
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At that time, the Abe administration decided not to participate in the escort coalition and dispatched a Maritime Self-Defense Force escort ship to areas such as the Gulf of Oman leading to the Hormuz Strait and the northern Arabian Sea, based on the “investigation and research” mission allowed under the Ministry of Defense Establishment Law, conducting information-gathering missions.
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The Nikkei explained that, at the time, legal grounds for the Self-Defense Forces to participate in the Hormuz escort coalition could include invoking Japan’s collective self-defense or using security-related laws for rear support of foreign troops, or justifying it as maritime security action under the Self-Defense Forces Law.
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Methods such as utilizing anti-piracy laws or enacting special measures were also considered.
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However, the Japanese government decided not to directly participate in the Hormuz escort coalition, prioritizing the relationship with traditional friendly country Iran as important as that with the U.S.
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Instead, under the Self-Defense Forces Law, Japan chose an indirect route, dispatching an escort ship near the Hormuz strait for information gathering and escorting Japanese ships, without straying significantly from U.S. and Iranian relations.
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The Nikkei analyzed that the decision on sending warships to the Hormuz Strait, requested amid the current U.S.-Israeli war with Iran, requires the same four legal considerations as in 2019, but it remains difficult to apply them all.
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To comply with the U.S. request using security-related laws, Japan would need to clearly support the U.S. attack on Iran, which involves demonstrating this stance to the international community.
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The Japanese government has not yet made an international law assessment on the current U.S. attack on Iran.
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To apply collective self-defense, a strategic shift to consider Iran, previously a friendly nation, as a complete adversary is required, which could significantly impact Japan’s diplomatic strategy.
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Even if Prime Minister Takaichi, while bearing the burden of positioning Iran as an adversary, deploys escort ships based on collective self-defense, the legal framework for collective self-defense only allows the Maritime Self-Defense Force to escort Japanese ships, highlighting a practical limitation that does not meet the broader military support desired by President Trump.
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An oil tanker passing through the Hormuz Strait
[Reuters Yonhap News file photo. No resale or database use],
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According to the Asahi Shimbun, Takayuki Kobayashi, chairman of the Policy Research Council of the LDP, hinted at the burden felt in Japanese politics during an NHK debate, stating that sending a Japanese ship to the Hormuz Strait posed “a very high hurdle.”
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Chairman Kobayashi remarked that although he “does not rule out the legal possibility (of deploying ships),” the ongoing situation prompts a need for cautious judgment, noting that “the government does not currently regard it as a crisis or significant impact situation justifying the deployment of self-defense forces for ship protection.”
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The Japanese government has yet to determine whether the current situation meets the “survival crisis situation” requirement for deploying self-defense forces under collective self-defense.
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However, unlike the 2019 escort coalition request, the severe degree of actual military conflict from the current war and the de facto blockade of the Hormuz Strait—Japan’s main oil import route—may act as a catalyst for the Japanese government to make a “decision.”
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Prime Minister Takaichi, on March 14, visited the graduation ceremony of the Japan Defense Academy in Yokosuka, Kanagawa Prefecture, stating, “To steadfastly protect our country (Japan) and its people, we will review all options without excluding any, including the way of existence for the Ministry of Defense and Self-Defense Forces.”
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President Trump heightens pressure on seven countries required to deploy warships, hinting at a possible delay of the U.S.-China summit scheduled for the end of this month or early next month.
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During a phone interview on the 15th (local time) with the Financial Times (FT) in the UK, he suggested that the summit might be postponed if China does not respond to participation in the Hormuz Strait escort before the summit.
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The previous day, President Trump reiterated on Truth Social that beneficiaries of the Hormuz Strait should help prevent “bad things” from happening there, following his request virtually calling for warship deployment from five countries, including South Korea, China, Japan, the UK, and France, at the vital global energy transport corridor.
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Japan’s Defense Minister Shinjiro Koizumi announced a roughly 30-minute phone call with U.S. Secretary of Defense (formerly Secretary of War) Pete Hegseth on the night of the 15th, but the Ministry of Defense did not clarify whether the ship deployment issue was on the agenda.
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Former Prime Minister Shigeru Ishiba, speaking on Fuji TV, highlighted the inclusion of China among the seven countries the U.S. is requesting ship deployment, noting it marked a departure from previous developments, suggesting Japan should consider carefully and not delay in giving an answer.
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The Nikkei concluded that Japan’s diplomatic leverage is limited amid the chaotic Iranian situation, forcing Japan to face difficult choices.
